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Ideology and Soviet Industrialization

by Timothy W. Luke
Publisher: Praeger
Release Date: 1985
Genre: Business & Economics
Pages: 176 pages
ISBN 13: 0877882487
ISBN 10: 9780877882480
Format: PDF, ePUB, MOBI, Audiobooks, Kindle

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Synopsis : Ideology and Soviet Industrialization written by Timothy W. Luke, published by Praeger which was released on 1985. Download Ideology and Soviet Industrialization Books now! Available in PDF, EPUB, Mobi Format. --

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Ideology and Soviet Industrialization
Language: en
Pages: 283
Authors: Timothy W. Luke
Categories: Business & Economics
Type: BOOK - Published: 1985 - Publisher: Praeger

Books about Ideology and Soviet Industrialization
Time and Soviet Industrialization
Language: en
Pages: 746
Authors: Stephen Earl Hanson
Categories: Business & Economics
Type: BOOK - Published: 1991 - Publisher:

Books about Time and Soviet Industrialization
Ideology, Heroism, and Industrialization
Language: en
Pages: 424
Authors: Marcia Mueller
Categories: Stakhanov movement
Type: BOOK - Published: 1984 - Publisher:

"This thesis argues that the Stakhanovite movement in the U.S.S.R. functioned as a hero system, manipulated by Stalin, to meet the needs of a rapidly industrializing socialist economy, Research for the thesis proved difficult, for the literature on Stakhanovism is meager and often tendentious, Therefore, emphasis is placed upon claims made about the movement, rather than upon actual production records and statistics. Since no books have been written on Stakhanovism in English and no doctoral dissertations or other theses have been recorded with University Hicrofilms International. the information for this paper has been gleaned from early works and dissertations on Soviet history and industry. In 1928, under Stalin's leadership, the Soviet Union began a series of Five-Year Plans for rapid industrialization. During the time of the Cultural Revolution (1928-1931), the country's economic policies were based upon proletarianization, i.e., upon strict equality of wages, increased educational opportunities for workers and their children, and revolutionary enthusiasm (expressed through the work of shock brigades) in the factories. As the plan progressed, however, Stalin and party leaders had to come to terms with the incongruity between the principles of r rxism and the requirements of industrialization. Marx called for an egalitarian society, free from state and bureaucratic oppression and without the sense of alienation arising from extreme division of labor. Marx believed that when the ownership of the means of production passed from the hands of capitalists to the hands of workers, the proletariat, the evils of social and economic injustice would end. However, the evils Marx condemned arose not only from the capitalist ownership of the means of production, but also from the very nature of the production process itself and its organizational matrix. Industrial firms are complex, or bureaucratic, organizations, which demand hierarchical structures of authority, experts with specialized knowledge, division of labor for the performance of complex and varied tasks, and a system of incentives to motivate workers to comply with and strive for organizational goals. Marx's egalitarian ideals and his hope that each worker could become pro-ficient in all jobs, including management, were clearly unrealistic when viewed in the light of industrial imperatives. Beginning in 193G, Stalin prepared tb reconcile Marxist theory with industrial needs. He said that immediate hopes for world-wide Marxist revolutions must be abandoned, and that for the present, the Soviet Union had to continue to str ggle towards communism alone. Before that utopian stage could be reached, however, the country had to pass through the stage of socialism. Thus, socialism was to be what Anthony F.C. Wallace calls a transfer culture, comprising the policies to be carried out and the interim goals to be achieved before the goal culture, communism, could be attained. Stalin declared that during the stage of socialism there could be no equality of wages or consumption because the productive capacity of the country was too low. He moved away from deterministic inter- pretations of Marxist doctrine and deterministic theories of social science toward teleological and individualistic interpretations, which supported his policies encouraging personal achievement and unequal rewards. With the call for socialism in one country, Stalin also resurrected the best from Russia's past. He extolled old heroes and old traditions to increase the pride and patriotism of Soviet citizens. He called upon writers to portray exemplary role models with the qualities needed by the new Soviet man: strength, dedication, discipline, perseverance, and initiative. The model "new Soviet man" emerged in August, 1935, when Alexei Grigor'evich Stakhanov re-organized the tasks of his work crew and set a new cutting record--seven times greater than the norm--in his Donbas mine. As word of Stakhanov's achievement spread, workers in other industries also began setting new records and increasing production norms. Thus was the Stakhanovite movement born. Stalin gave Stakhanovism his enthusiastic support, and soon the Stakhanovites were national heroes. They were glorified by the media; they were awarded medals and honors; they were given higher wages and more perquisites than ordinary workers. In turn, the movement developed a new attitude toward labor and encouraged new forms of task organization. The prestige surrounding Stakhanovite achievement evoked a normative commitment to work itself and led to a work ethic in a country which had never experienced the Reformation and the connection between Protestant aspirations and developing capitalism. The Stakhanovites increased their output by rationalizing the production process in a manner similar to that of the scientific management experts in the West. Stakhanovite methods were then used to push the economy forward. Stalin also found other uses for Stakhanovism. He believed that enthusiasm from below could be an antidote to what he perceived as apathy and inertia in the upper levels of Soviet industrial organizations. Hany managers were undereducated "Old Bolsheviks" who had participated in the revolution, but who had no experience in running large industries. They tended to hide behind bureaucratic rules and regulations to avoid blame for production problems and failures, many of the latter actually resulting from the flaws in centralized planning. Stalin, blaming the managers rather than the unrealistic plans, encouraged the Stakhanovites to force up output from below and set and example for all workers. Stakhanovism was also used to counteract technocratic tendencies on the part of "bourgeois" experts, i.e., the engineers who had been educated during the tsarist regime. The "bourgeois" experts had not been supporters of the Bolsheviks, and after the revolution, they were suspected (anc sometimes accused) of industrial sabotage. By the end of the 1920's, many of the "bourgeois" engineers were developing a professional ideology calling for more control over all aspects of technology, including industrial planning and production. Their control over powerful, modern technologies and over ill-educated Red managers made the "bourgeois" engineers look like a threat to party domination. Until the new Red specialists were through school, properly educated in technology and properly indoctrinated in Marxist and Stalinist ideology, competent workers from the bench were promoted to higher positions. The Stakhanovites' completion of technical training programs and their work experience made them more qualified than many Red managers. Their position as culture heroes in Soviet society made them loyal to the party and to Stalin, with whom they shared a symbolic, familial relationship. Therefore, they were safe candidates for promotion into positions where they could counteract any attempts of technocratic hegemony by the "bourgeois" engineers. The fame and influence of the Stakhanovites were great until 1939. A Variety of reasons for the decline of the movement could be advanced, but one is especially probable: The Red specialists, in large numbers, were finishing school and ready to assume responsibility over industry. Hard workers, such as the Stakhanovites, continued to be praised and rewarded, but the new emphasis was on formal technical education and rigorous political indoctrination. Stalin's use of prestige and heroism as an incentive system, it is argued, quite likely sprang from his own fascination with and desire for herosim, as well as from the needs of the country's socialist economy. The demand for work incentives in socialist economies continues to pose problems for Marxist leaders. How those leaders meet the demands could provide more material for future studies in comparative communism"--Document.
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Pages: 464
Authors: Joshua B. Freeman
Categories: History
Type: BOOK - Published: 2018-02-27 - Publisher: W. W. Norton & Company

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Pages: 406
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Pages: 400
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Pages: 249
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Type: BOOK - Published: 2012-08-21 - Publisher: Springer

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